There is a global, child sex-trafficking ring of Satan-worshipping pedophiles. The QAnon movement is battling it. The fact that Democrats were not caught abusing children by a rifle-toting man inside the Comet Ping Pong pizza shop in Washington, D.C. in 2016 was because they were tipped off. Despite a lack of evidence, such conspiracy theories are intriguing, spread virally and, for believers, explain serious “threats.” They can also be dangerous.
American conspiracy theories are as old as the Salem Witch trials, but they are exploding on the Internet. We’re asked to believe 9/11 was perpetrated using controlled demolitions, the Sandy Hook massacre was staged by actors, that 5G technology caused COVID19 and that Antifa is setting fires in the West so it can loot homes. What’s going on?
Show a baby a piece of paper with just two dots on it and you can often elicit a smile. The baby is responding to the pattern of a face because, as Michael Shermer argues in The Believing Brain, we have an innate need to find patterns. Those who could not didn’t survive when those two dots were wild animals at the cave’s entrance.
The patterns in conspiracy theories serve emotional needs for those who feel adrift, endangered, and powerless. A conspiracy theory makes meaning, knitting “facts” together into an understandable story. It explains the cause of one’s distress. It can lower anxiety and relieve ambiguity, offering certainty and closure. It names the enemy so we can mount a defense. We know whom to trust - our fellow believers – and who we can’t.
Conspiracy theories are attractive to those who feel core values are threatened. In a study of 3,500 U.S. adults, Joseph Vitriol and colleagues found that people who agreed with such statements as “America’s greatest values are increasingly decaying from within” were more likely to also agree with statements such as “The media is a puppet of those in power.”
Conspiracy theories can make people feel better. Research suggests they boost self image, in part because finding “evidence” of the conspiracy bolsters a feeling one has information others do not. It stimulates the brain’s reward center, triggering a release of dopamine which strengthens the neural connections that form the conspiracy theory and propels the search for more evidence. This search is at the heart of confirmation bias, which leads us to ignore contradictory facts.
Conspiracy thinkers thrive on finding like-minded believers, as the rapid growth of QAnon shows. This builds group identity - “us vs. them.” Group members provide “evidence” others in the group were not aware of. Through such group polarization, members get more certain and extreme. Belief in a conspiracy can also satisfy needs for novelty, escapism, adventure, and enjoyment.
Conspiracy theories are robust. For adherents, there is no way to disprove them. Any challenge is met by invoking another layer of the conspiracy. Worse still, continued exposure in social media can give them an air of believability, gaining them far more attention than deserved, driving out facts and reason. Research shows that fake news travels much faster, farther, and deeper on social media than truth, making it a dangerous tool for those who wish to stoke fear and discord.
In a survey of research on conspiracy thinking, Karen Douglas and colleagues noted that conspiracy theories may have the benefit of raising public consciousness on some issues and forcing more transparency by government. Yet, the downsides are frightening, especially when government leaders endorse them. They distort clear thinking, leading to poor decisions. Conspiracy theories, for example, have had profound effects on parents’ willingness to vaccinate their children. Conspiracy thinking breeds distrust of others and of government and other institutions that get charged with being part of the conspiracy or failing to stop it. Research also links a high tendency to engage in conspiracy thinking to the belief that violence may be justified, as Edgar Welch’s firing a gun in Comet Pizza attests.
Conspiracy thinking is not limited to one political party. An examination of letters to the New York Times from 1890-2010 found that conspiracy theories tended to accuse Republicans and big business when a Republican was president – and Democrats and socialists when a Democrat sat in the White House. This pattern has been upended by President Trump, who believes in a nefarious “deep state” and “hoaxes” perpetrated against America and himself. On August 30th, he retweeted a OneAmerica video whose lead-in announced: “According to the mainstream media, the riots & extreme violence are completely unorganized. However, it appears this coup attempt is led by a well funded network of anarchists trying to take down the President.”
Conspiracy thinking needs antidotes Analytic thinking embedded in intellectual humility is essential, but that requires inviting and listening to nonbelievers. Increasing people’s sense of control over their lives can help, since powerlessness feeds conspiracy thinking. Leaders that downplay and question conspiracy theories and build trust in the institutions that grapple with societal problems can rob the fuel that drives conspiracy thinking.
In normal times, conspiracy theories may be more a diversion than a danger. These are not normal times.
Photo Credit: Markus Winkler - unsplash
